When South Africa became a democracy in 1994, its own long struggle against apartheid led it to align itself with global human rights struggles. The country has come to be seen by many countries as a champion for and leading proponent of human rights. It also became somewhat of a moral compass for other nations in this regard.

There are numerous examples of South Africa’s role in promoting human rights on various multilateral platforms. One early example dates back to 2001 when it hosted the United Nations Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related intolerances (UNWCAR) in the port city of Durban. But over the years the shine has worn off South Africa’s positive human rights reputation. The country has made several miscalculations and controversial decisions which have compromised its position around the world. Though the country’s government remains a steadfast supporter of Palestine, Cuba and Western Sahara, some South African arms companies have sold weapons to both Saudi Arabia and the UAE, two of the main parties accused of committing war crimes in Yemen.

Some of South Africa’s political alliances have raised eyebrows, too. Chief among these is its membership in BRICS, a bloc of five developing economies consisting of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, which joined in 2010. The term “BRICS” was coined by Goldman Sachs economist Jim O'Neill.

One of BRICS’s objectives is to counter the US and Western political hegemony. Its formation generated much optimism, particularly as it planned to establish a bank that would facilitate, among other things, easy access to funding for infrastructural development on the African continent. The bloc also aimed to ease travel restrictions between member states to facilitate the movement of people and business.

But criticism of BRICS has mounted in recent years – much of it aimed at members’ governments and their human rights violations.

Brazil’s right-wing President Jair Bolsonaro is a case in point. His racist utterances, bombastic behavior and admiration of former US President Donald Trump have drawn criticism against him and his government. In January 2020, Bolsonaro posted on Facebook that “Indians are undoubtedly changing.  They are increasingly becoming human beings just like us” – a comment that enraged Brazil’s Indigenous people and led to protests. Bolsonaro’s attitude toward COVID-19 has also drawn Brazilians’ ire, with some calling for him to be held liable for thousands of COVID-related deaths. At one point, media in Brazil quoted him as saying: “In my understanding, the destructive power of this virus is overestimated. Maybe it's even being promoted for economic reasons."

Another BRICS member, India, is also in the spotlight for human rights violations committed under the governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.  Muslims in India have been under constant attack since Modi was elected in 2014. Recently a law was promulgated prohibiting Muslim girls from wearing head scarves in schools. In March 2022, a top court in the southern Indian state of Karnataka upheld a government order that banned the wearing of head scarves inside schools. And towards the end of May 2022, violence erupted after BJP spokesperson Nupur Sharma made insulting comments about the Prophet Muhammad. She has since been suspended by the BJP. Houses belonging to Muslims in Utter Pradesh who took part in protests against Sharma’s statements were demolished.

China, meanwhile, is accused of running detention centres in its Xinjiang region and using these to imprison and torture Uyghur Muslims. Thousands of Uyghurs have died, and many have disappeared at the hands of the Chinese government in Xinjiang. According to the BBC, human rights groups believe China has detained more than one million Uyghurs against their will over the past few years in a large network of what the state calls "re-education camps", and sentenced hundreds of thousands to prison terms.

And Russia, currently in the global spotlight after its February invasion of Ukraine, also has a long history of allegations about human rights violations. These include poisoning government opponents living outside Russia. Sergei Skripal and his daughter Yulia were poisoned by Russian agents in the city of Salisbury, England in March 2018. Alexei Nalvany, a vocal critic and political opponent of President Vladimir Putin, is serving prison time after being convicted of fraud and corruption; he insists the charges are trumped up.

With such questionable BRICS bedfellows, South Africa is greatly at risk of being isolated by Europe and the US if it insists on remaining within the bloc. The disadvantages of continuing to be part of BRICS are simply greater than the benefits for South Africa. The US is determined to crack down on those countries that work with Russia and similar countries; its Countering Malign Russian Activities Act in Africa broadly defines such malign activities as those that “undermine United States objectives and interests”. South Africa’s Minerals and Energy Minister Gwede Mantashe seems publicly unworried, announcing that the country may buy oil from Russia despite sanctions imposed on Russia by the US and its allies. That would be a big mistake – it could be a first step towards South Africa’s isolation.

South Africa must put the interest of its own people first and reclaim its position as a global leader in human rights. As a first step, it must cancel its BRICS membership.

 About the author

 Thembisa is a senior research fellow and Director at Afrasid.  He holds a Masters degree in Politics, he is a columnist with the Middle East Monitor in London and a research fellow at Al Sharq Forum in Istanbul, Turkey. He also serves on the board of Common Action Forum in Madrid, Spain and on the board of Mail and Guardian publication in South Africa. He is the former Bureau Chief of Al Jazeera Media Network for Arabic and English Channels in Southern Africa.

According to the United Nations (UN), the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and the Houthis have extended their truce for a further two months. This follows an initial two-month truce reached between the warring parties in April 2022. The war in Yemen started in 2015, following the ousting of President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi on 22 January 2015 by the Houthis. President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi fled to Saudi Arabia where he started lobbying for support from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States. The de facto leader of Saudi Arabia, Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman became the Defence Minister of Saudi Arabia on 23 January 2015. The Yemeni crisis came as Bin Salman was in search for an opportunity to flex his muscle as the new Defence Minister of Saudi Arabia. He also needed an opportunity to prove his critics wrong against his leadership and appointment to the new position. To that end, the war in Yemen presented a number of political opportunities for him.

First, he needed to establish himself as serving the interests of all Arabs, if he was to be taken serious in the region. He managed to sell the war in Yemen as a self-preservatory effort of Arab nationalism from the dominance of Iran. Subsequently, he managed to draw into his coalition in Yemen all Gulf States, Sudan and Egypt, amongst others. The war in Yemen became a necessary war to preserve Arabism in the region and prevent further proliferation of Iran's political influence.

Second, he also needed to present himself, and remind Sunni Muslims across the globe that, like all his predecessors he is also committed to preservation of Sunni Islam and fight against the proliferation of Shia dominance in Islam. Houthis, a proxy of Iran in the region, adhere to the Zaidi sect of Shia Islam; they are accused of wanting to further Shia expansionism in the region. Accusations of Iran's Shia expansionism and dominance are not limited to the Middle East; they also extend to other parts of the world. In Nigeria, for an example, Iran is accused of working with the leader of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN), Sheik Ebrahim El-Zakzaky, to create instability in that country, particularly in Zaria Kaduna State. Members of the IMN have often conflicted with law enforcement in Nigeria, something that has raised high level of concern about Iran's involvement in Nigeria.

Third, Yemen is regarded by many in the Gulf, especially the Saudis, as the land of their ancestors. Present day Saudi Arabia and large parts of Yemen were part of the Ziyadid dynasty. Osama Bin Laden's grandfather, Awad Bin Laden for example, came from the village of Al-Rubat, in the Hadramout in Yemen. There are many prominent families in Saudi Arabia who still have strong ties in Yemen. Mohammed Bin Salam understands the resonance of those sentiments with the Saudis and others in the region. Historical lineage, therefore, enabled him to sell the idea of going to war in Yemen, particularly to the Gulf countries. Bin Salman's victory in Yemen would have certainly positioned him on a high pedestal in the regional and, indeed, international politics.

However, Bin Salman's project in Yemeni backfired; the war has been criticised internationally, and has led to dire human strife. Moreover, besides personal image damage to Saudis and Bin Salman personally, the war has been financially draining for the coalition. It has also created unprecedented human suffering, displaced millions of people and led to millions more deaths and injuries. Importantly, the war has also further polarised the political make-up of Yemen and the region.

After seven years of human suffering and infrastructural destruction, Mohamad Bin Salman and the coalition he led into this war are negotiating with the Houthis. Houthis are emboldened by the truce, notwithstanding the fire power they have endured from the coalition. Bin Salman, on the other hand, enters this truce with a wounded ego and humiliation. Furthermore, his main allies with whom he started the war abandoned the war, adding financial strain to Saudi Arabia. In October 2019, the UAE announced it was pulling its last troops out Yemen. Qatar was forced to pull out of the war in 2017 when Bahrain, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt led a land, sea and air blockade of the state of Qatar.

Iran certainly feels emboldened, and its foreign policy vindicated as it scores yet another goal. In the recent past, President Bashar Al-Assad of Syria, another ally of Iran, was admitted back to the normal global political arena, notwithstanding heinous crimes he committed and the use of chemical weapons against his people. In Lebanon, Iran also continues to enjoy popular support and dominate the politics there, through its proxy in that country, Hezbollah. Hezbollah is widely regarded as "a Muslim army against the oppressed people of Palestine" in an absence of credible fighting forces outside occupied Palestine.

The outcome of the war in Yemen is not what Bin Salman expected. Saudi Arabia finds itself with huge global public image problems, which were further complicated by the murder of journalist, Jamal Khashoggi. Khashoggi was killed, and his body dismembered by the highly trained Saudi technical team linked to Mohammed Bin Salman. Bin Salman entered the war hoping to prove his critics wrong and to establish himself as a leader in global politics; he has failed to achieve that objective. Instead, the actions in Yemen have emboldened both Iran and the Houthis.

About the author

 Thembisa is a senior research fellow and Director at Afrasid.  He holds a Masters degree in Politics, he is a columnist with the Middle East Monitor in London and a research fellow at Al Sharq Forum in Istanbul, Turkey. He also serves on the board of Common Action Forum in Madrid, Spain and on the board of Mail and Guardian publication in South Africa. He is the former Bureau Chief of Al Jazeera Media Network for Arabic and English Channels in Southern Africa.  

Africans have become victims of Covid-19 vaccine scramble as rich nations continue to hoard vaccines and China intensifies distribution of its vaccines.  Subsequently, African travellers who are vaccinated with Chinese manufactured Sinopharm and Sinovac vaccines are not able to enter European Union (EU) and other Western nations.  At least eleven EU countries, including Germany, a top travel destination, do not recognize the Sinopharm vaccines.  

The pushback against these vaccines is based on their rather low efficacy levels and secrecy.  Sinopharm for an example only offers 79% protection against symptomatic Covid-19 infection 14 days or more after the second dose is administered, its efficacy against hospitalisation also stands at 79%.  The efficacy rate of Sinovac, another Chinese vaccine, is at around 50.4%.  Having said that, Sinopharm’s efficacy rate is slightly higher than that of EU approved Oxford AstraZeneca which stands at 76% two weeks after the second dose has been administered.  Similarly,  Johnson’s and Johnson’s  (J&J) on the other hand has an efficacy rate of  66.3% two weeks after second dose of the vaccine is administered.  What is the problem then; why are Chinese vaccines not accepted by the EU and other Western nations?

The controversy surrounding Chinese vaccines’ efficacy and rejection, is due to Beijing’s failure to share crucial data of its Phase 3 medical trials.  Whereas, Pfizer-BioNTech, Moderna, AstraZeneca, have published their Phase 3 data in, peer-reviewed journals, China has come under fire for overstating efficacy rates of its vaccines without providing proof.  Western countries have responded by refusing entry to their countries to those vaccinated with these vaccines. 

Africans have responded angrily to these measures, they argue that instead of shutting out African travellers altogether, the EU should  make use of other measures for testing.  The current blanket ban of African travellers with vaccines other than those sanctioned by these countries “perpetuates travel apartheid” as the United Nations (UN) Secretary General Antonio Guterres said.  What has further complicated international travel for most Africans has been the introduction of a Covid-19 passport.  The Covid-19 passport is a certification that proves vaccination and further states the type of vaccine received.  The Covid-19 passport will undoubtedly have far reaching socio-economic implications for many Africans particularly those with Chinese vaccines   Besides, current low vaccination levels will also prevent many Africans from travel abroad.  Although some African nations have the wherewithal to purchase vaccines, those attempts are hindered by supply chain red tape and discrimination. 

Whilst more than 80% of Africans are still to receive their first dose of vaccine, wealthier nations have begun rolling out booster programs for their citizens.  Even when African nations like Botswana offered to buy vaccines at higher cost than other nations, they were made to wait long before their supplies could be delivered. Meanwhile, in several African countries such as Namibia and Nigeria, vaccines facilitated by COVID-19 Vaccines Global Access,(COVAX) vaccine program arrived late necessitating health authorities to halt their vaccination drives, a situation that consequently gave rise to vaccine hesitancy and renewed spur of conspiracy theories.  COVAX, is a worldwide initiative aimed at equitable access to COVID-19 vaccines directed by the GAVI vaccine alliance, the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations, and the World Health Organization, alongside key delivery partner UNICEF.  Namibia, a country with extraordinary close ties to Germany have found that even this intimacy had no relevance, Namibians vaccinated with Sinopharm were denied access to Germany.

Furthermore African countries who managed to access vaccines had to deal with the impact of late arrival of vaccines.  This has forced many countries to destroy thousands of vaccines donated by Europe as well as some procured through the COVAX.  The remaining shelf life wasn’t long enough to allow for distribution, while other countries like DRC managed to return their expired doses to COVAX many were unable to return the vaccines.  According to Strive Masiyiwa, who was tasked to help procure vaccines for the African Union (AU), COVAX failed because it was rooted in a “deliberate global architecture of unfairness”.  The main goal of COVAX was to vaccinate 20% of the population in poor countries against the prioritisation of 70% of the rich nations from the global vaccine pool.  Despite COVAX’s noble undertaking to ensure vaccine distribution equity and to build the gap between poor and rich nations; the EU,US, India, Japan and Brazil have more vaccines individually than the rest of Africa.   

There has been an injustice in the distribution of vaccines, Africans have been the victims not only of poor planning by their governments but also COVAX inability to fight for access on their behalf. Besides South Africa and couple of countries in Southern Africa, most countries in Sub Saharan Africa had to resort to Chinese vaccines.  South Africa has been able to vaccinate most of its population including the majority of its civil servants using J&J and Pfizer.  Consequently, return to overseas travel for most South African have been by and large without glitches. Could it be that South Africa received prior notification regarding future admissibility of some vaccines when travelling or was it good leadership?  It is certainly none of the above, relative wealth of South Africa compared to other African countries played a role in this regard.  Understandably the Chinese vaccines became readily accessible and cheaper if not entirely free to many African countries, however the controversy surrounding their efficacy has remained a great concern.  African leadership should have followed the discussions, trends and politics of vaccines for the sake of their people.  Instead, in desperation Africans opted for the low hanging solutions which have unfortunately come back to haunt Africans international travellers.

Zimbabweans are no strangers to using humour as a coping mechanism. For instance, during funerals, a close family friend (masahwira) lightens up the sombre atmosphere by sharing jokes about the deceased. Humour is also a form of escape for the oppressed and dejected – and a subversive means to comment on the country’s many crises.

The latest example of seeking the light side in dark times is a hashtag that’s gone viral in Zimbabwe on platforms like Twitter and Facebook: #DiraRizare shaa (fill up the cup mate). One post using this hashtag reads “I earn in Zimbabwean dollar (RTGS) and yet I must pay for fuel, rentals, and groceries in USD! Haa” The hashtag is accompanied by a picture of a teary-eyed cat to illustrate how the dire economic situation is reducing many to tears.

But beneath the jokes and the laughter, people’s mental health is taking serious strain. The economic crisis of the past two decades has been exacerbated by the pandemic. Many people lived in fear of contracting the deadly disease and dying alone. As of 15 May 2022, 249 262 positive cases were recorded, while 5483 people succumbed to this novel virus. Many lost their jobs or sources of income. Many people lost their loved ones to Covid and had to grieve on their own without the usual societal support to lighten the bereavement. People have turned to different coping mechanisms; some are positive, but others are harmful – alcohol, illegal drugs and internalising stress, which can lead to depression and anxiety disorders.

Take Tendai John Tsodzai (38) and Takesure Sibanda (42) of Harare.  The duo was gainfully employed as mahwindi (touts) before the pandemic. Even though Zimbabwe’s situation was dire, they still could afford to feed their families daily. The transport system was particularly affected by the national lockdowns: the two lost their jobs. They cannot pay for food, clothes or cover their children’s school fees. They feel especially unhappy as men, since society expects them to provide for their families. And the situation isn’t likely to improve any time soon: the latest figures put month on month inflation at 15.5% while annual inflation is at 96.4%.

Tsodzai and Sibanda are trying to remain upbeat. They’ve taken comfort from internet memes and jokes.  “We sit here on these bridges every morning and share few jokes to get us through the day, otherwise we die of stress and depression,” Tsodzai told Afrasid.   According to Sibanda, jokes that circulate on WhatsApp have been a source of relief for many in Harare’s townships: “We actually look for data bundles to go on WhatsApp to discuss and laugh at our challenges. This has been our outlet, and for me the comedy has been helpful otherwise I will be clinically depressed.”

But for every person who’s managed to navigate their despair using humour, there are many more who are struggling.  According to 2020 statistics from the Ministry of Health and Child Care, there has been an increase in the number of people seeking medical care in psychiatric units across the country.  Dr Anesu Chinoperekwei is a psychiatrist in Harare. She says that mental health care took a knock during the height of the pandemic as the country and the world’s focus shifted to fighting Covid.  “Most of the patients who were diagnosed pre-Covid regressed in terms of their mental health. There has also been an increase in incidents or new case of mental health issues or challenges which stemmed from the Covid-19 pandemic,” she said.

“Remember the COVID 19 pandemic left many people unemployed, made many people redundant and that carried with it a lot of financial stress as well as distress socially in terms of managing the households providing for families and that has resulted in depression, substance abuse as well as gender-based violence in families and community.”

Sally Mugabe Hospital in Harare is a major referral hospital in and has seen a surge in the number of patients committed to its psychiatric unit. The unit’s Matron, Nelson Makore, identified “depression or mood disorder, substance misuse disorders, schizophrenia and mania” as some of the conditions patients were living with.

Makore said: “The challenges of life such as economic hardships, loss of jobs, and lack of societal acceptability are some of the causes driving the mental health cases in Zimbabwe. Substance and drug abuse are also a common cause of mental health challenges.”

Such abuse often results from people turning to illegal drugs and alcohol to deal with their daily challenges, Makore said.

Men, traditionally seen as the “stronger sex” are not immune, as Tsodzai and Sibanda make clear.

“Nothing hurts more than failing to provide for one’s family. Our society puts pressure on us men and at times we fail to handle that, pressure leading to mental health challenges such as depression,” said Sibanda.

And Dr Chinoperekwei cautions that not only unemployed people are struggling in the current climate. A significant number of employed are “functional” but struggling with mental health issues.

“There has been an increase in awareness of mental health issues even in the workplace. Salaries are meagre thereby increasing pressure on the employee. We are seeing a lot of walk-in patients from the corporate sector. A lot of employees are coming forth with mental health illnesses. The employees will function but not at their best.  This category of people usually (has) illnesses such as anxiety, panic disorders, social phobias among others,” said Chinoperekwei.  

So, can humour help? Makore says yes: “Humour, laughter and sharing of jokes helps in the relaxation of the mind and can act as a diversional therapy.”

“Good interpersonal relationships among patients, friends and relatives helps speed up recovery,” said Makore. 

Chinoperekwei concurs: “Yes there is a place (for) humour and laughter in managing mental health and the source of the jokes can be from media, internet, people we socialise with, and it helps to lighten the burdens.”

About the Author

Davison Kaiyo is a journalist based in Harare, Zimbabwe. He holds MSc in Journalism and Media Studies from the Midlands State University (MSU).  He has experience spanning 10 years in media and journalism industry.

Following the People Power Revolution in 1986 in Philippines, the Marcos family remained in exile until their return to the Philippines in 1991 to face corruption charges. Despite the 1987 Article II, Section 26 of the constitution which prohibits political dynasties as defined by law and guarantees equal access to opportunities for public service, Marcos Sr’s wife and daughter, Imelda and Imee Marcos hold seats in the House in of Representatives. Despite standing trial for several offences, the former first lady has not been jailed.

Ferdinand Marcos Jr, the son of the former dictator of Philippines, Ferdinand Marcos Sr, kicked off his campaign with the slogan, “Together we shall rise again” , invoking a sense of nostalgia for his father’s regime, painting it as the golden era of the Philippines. Marcos was accused of spreading disinformation through social media channels, appealing to the youth who, for the most part, do not recognize the brutality of his father’s martial period. Marcos's campaign was also fueled by a flooding of fabricated stories and an apparent disregard for the atrocities committed by Marcos Sr. Although Marcos denied any organized online campaigns, numerous stories, to his benefit, began circulating online. “The disinformation infrastructure was there for a long time. It’s not as if it just sprouted during this campaign. Marcos’s plan to reach the presidency has been in action for decades,” said Aries Arugay, a visiting fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, Manila. Marcos avoided TV debates and media interviews, all the while keeping his proposed future approach to policy minimal.

Days leading to elections, surveys conducted showed that Marcos had a clear lead over his opponents, with Leni Robredo, the current vice-president, second. Robredo is a former human rights lawyer who advocated for marginalized groups. She campaigned with the promise to end corruption and enact good governance. Marcos’s alleged online campaign was aimed to either detract from Robredo’s image or enhance Marcos’s. So, as many as 2 million Robredo volunteers began to conduct door-to-door campaigns, to counter the onslaught of Robredo disinformation. It was a last-ditch effort to rally Robredo support; all those attempts failed.

More than three decades after his father, Ferdinand Marcos Sr’s death, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr has been elected as the 17th president of the Republic of the Philippines. He is set to take up office in June, with his deputy president, Sarah Duterte, daughter of the outgoing president, Rodrigo Duterte. Rodrigo Duterte has not openly expressed support for the incoming administration, he has however reportedly called Marcos Jr a weak leader . 

The outcome of the Philippines presidential election is particularly concerning to the US. The US worries that the election of Marcos may erode democracy in Asia and complicate its efforts geared towards minimizing growing Chinese influence in the Western Pacific. Duterte, as president, fostered close ties with Russia and China, while occasionally attacking the US. Moreover, Marcos’s election comes after the Biden administration just unveiled a strategy to broaden and strengthen US engagement and relations, to ensure security alliances aimed to mitigate and address China’s influence. 

Marcos has been vague about his foreign policy objectives however, he has mentioned that he wants to pursue closer ties with China, even going so far as to negate a 2016 tribunal ruling in the Hague to invalidate most of China’s historical claims to the South China Sea. He states that he would attempt to maintain relations with the USA, however, a 2011 district court ruling in Hawaii may complicate the relationship. The Marcos's were fined $353M - that they are yet to pay - for a 1995 human rights class action. This might make travel to the USA difficult. Although the USA would have preferred Marcos’s rival, Leni Robredo, as president, ties with the Philippines is imperative.

"Judge me not by my ancestors, but by my actions,"  said Marcos Jr according to a statement issued by his spokesperson. Not only is Ferdinand the namesake of an infamous dictator, but he also shares his name with the Spanish conquistador who first colonized the Philippines, how ironic. Marcos Jr’s presidential election is especially jarring to the international community. It is unclear whether Marcos will mimic his father's rule or turn over a new leaf and provide the Philippines people with the economic change they need. Although Marcos claims he is not his father, his actions point to the contrary. His campaign against Rodrigo highlighted a sinister nature that praised his father and spread misinformation. His apparent alignment with China, a communist regime, points to the potential erosion of democracy in the Western Pacific. And his alliance with his deputy president, Sarah Duterte, is rather too convenient and concerning given her father’s politics and attitude towards the US. Regardless, only time will tell if Marcos Jr can truly lift his family name from infamy to prestige.

About the author

Qhawezo Ayesha Fakude is a Researcher at Africa Asia Dialogues (Afrasid).  She holds a Bachelor of Social Science from the University of Cape Town, South Africa. She majored in politics and governance, anthropology and sociology.