Part 2
Calls for Democratic Reforms in Eswatini puts King Mswati III Under Pressure
As the situation in Eswatini continues to deteriorate, questions are being asked about whether Africa’s last absolute monarchy could transition into a constitutional democracy that would see its king lose his iron grip on power.
Growing pressure on the Eswatini government and its violent reaction to protests calling for democratic reform, driven by young urbanites, suggests that the journey to dethroning the king would require international mediation.
The United Nations and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have already been forced into action as the number of deaths, hospitalisations and imprisonments of civilians continues to rise in the country of just 1.7 million people.
Amnesty International says the Eswatini government’s reaction to dissent has been devastating, with more than 70 people, most of them university students, shot dead, allegedly by security forces; soldiers and police stand accused of firing live ammunition at protesters. Close to 200 people have been hospitalised.
The death in May of a University of Eswatini student, Thabani Nkomonye, allegedly at the hands of police officers, triggered the protests that have engulfed the country. Students led by the Swaziland National Union of Students (SNUS), alongside other young people, protested and demanded justice for the 25-year-old law student in what later became known as the #JusticeForThabani movement. Trade unions, political parties and other civil society organisations have since joined in.
Nkomonye has become a symbol of resistance against police brutality and activists have invoked his name in their calls for democracy, using his image on posters and banners during their protests.
Several Members of Parliament have taken advantage of the situation to demand something that has been a long coming: a constitutional change that would see citizens allowed to elect a Prime Minister of their choice. Currently the Prime Minister is appointed by the country’s powerful monarch, King Mswati III. Activists are also insisting that the ban on political parties be lifted.
Political analyst and academic Mancoba Mabuza, who is based in the country’s capital Mbabane, contextualised the protests: “Young people delivered petitions to Members of Parliament in various constituency centres (Tinkhundla) and what started as a #JusticeForThabani movement escalated into a popular demand for the people to be allowed to elect a Prime Minister of their choice.
As the protests grew, he said, so did the violent crackdown on protesters.
Mabuza said: “The Eswatini Police Commissioner was quoted by the local media to have declared ‘war’ on protesters. The acting Prime Minister at the time, Themba Masuku, stepped in to ban the ongoing protest action and peaceful delivery of petitions in the various constituency centres all over the country. He said this had been ‘hijacked by people with an ulterior motive’ and that the people delivering petitions ‘were not adhering to Covid-19 precautionary measures’.
Masuku’s statement was greeted with anger by youth and those opposed to the monarch.
“Many decried the fact that they were being stopped from exercising their rights to deliver petitions and make their complaints known in a peaceful manner. Now, everything started escalating into uncontrollable levels,” said Mabuza.
A journalist based in Eswatini, Sambulo Dlamini, described the scenes on 25 June during one protest.
“Police were also beaten up and the protesters also beaten up by police in what became a war between the police and citizens. The situation got worse by 28 June and the protesters took to the country's industrial hub and burnt down trucks, shops, destroyed bank ATMs, among other things. The situation was out of control,” he said.
The popular demand at this point was for the King to assume a ceremonial role and be outside of politics. More recently, pro-democracy movement activists have demanded that the government release arrested MPs and all political prisoners, allow the safe return of those in exile, unban political parties, allow for a transitional government and a new constitution – and, ultimately, work towards a multi-party dispensation in which political parties will participate in a democratic election.
An overwhelming majority of MPs are backing this call for change and democratic reforms. This adds a new layer to recent protests: parliament itself has become a site of struggle.
Following the night protests of 28 June, the Eswatini army stepped in because the government increasingly believed that police were failing to control the situation. Protesters, meanwhile, turned to social media to spread the news of their struggle. Social media platforms continue to be used as vehicles to register complaints and bring international awareness to the civil unrest.
News that police and soldiers were firing live rounds of ammunition on protesters and had imprisoned over 400 people in addition to the rising death toll was widely shared on social media, as was the fact that school kids were being caught up in the crackdown. Bloody images of protesters are circulating, too.
The state again responded with violence during recent protests by public transport and public sector unions, comprising nurses, teachers and other civil servants. Teargas was allegedly fired inside buses; unarmed civilians in Mbabane and surrounds were beaten up and shot at.
“The country is now a military state as soldiers and police patrol the townships in Manzini and Mbabane and have been unleashing violence,” said Mabuza.
The state’s brutality has prompted an international outcry led by UN Secretary-General António Guterres. In October he issued a statement expressing his concern about the ongoing developments in Eswatini, particularly the recent deployment of armed security forces at various schools, reports of excessive use of force in response to student demonstrations and the indefinite closure of schools.
“This adversely affects children and young people. The Secretary-General reiterates the importance of enabling the people of Eswatini to exercise their civil and political rights peacefully. He urges the Government to ensure that security forces act in conformity with relevant international human rights standards, including the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child,” reads Guterres’ statement.
The popular uprising is emboldened and has scored some important victories, such as the recent march to the UN offices in Eswatini and another to the US Embassy, where an estimated to 20 000 were in attendance - a huge number by Swazi standards.
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa in his capacity as chair of the SADC's politics organ, has also sent envoys from South Africa, Namibia and Botswana to visit Eswatini. The group met the king, the prime minister, civil society organisations, trade unions and others following heavy criticism that SADC has been too slow to act.
Still, Ramaphosa remains hopeful of a peaceful resolution; he announced after these consultations that King Mswati III had accepted the need for a national dialogue.
"King Mswati III has accepted the need for national dialogue...I appeal for calm, restraint, the respect for the rule of law and human rights on all sides to enable the process to commence," said Ramaphosa.
This is a major climb down by Africa’s last absolute monarch, who has in the past defied calls for reform, and even labelled pro-democracy activists as “drunkards and dagga smokers”.
Wandile Dludlu, secretary-general of the opposition People's United Democratic Movement (Pudemo), like Mabuza, does not seem to place much faith in the SADC process.
“Let the people continue the noble fight for a free and democratic new country," Dludlu recently told Reuters.
This reluctance to trust SADC is driven by the regional bloc’s past “quiet diplomacy” in dealing with the Eswatini stalemate.
“The SADC team (Organ Troika) sent by Botswana President Mokgweetsi Masisi in his capacity as Troika Chair at the time, came after the June shooting and there was hope that they were going to meet the government and civil society players, but the exercise did not yield any positive result. The nation has now lost hope in SADC, and they see the organisation as being protective of King Mswati and the government. It is back again at the moment led by President Cyril Ramaphosa’s Envoy Jeff Radebe, and it remains to be seen if something different will happen this time around,” said Mabuza.
Sabelo Dlamini, the Eswatini government spokesperson, is on record saying government remains open to dialogue. “Government will continue to avail the necessary information to the organisation (UN) and all relevant stakeholders about the current civil unrest in the Kingdom,” he stated.
About the author
Phathisani Moyo is a communication strategist at International Trade Centre (ITC). He has worked for a number of media organisation and served at various levels including as the news editor for The Star newspaper in South Africa. He holds a Honours degree in political science and administration from the University of Zimbabwe.